Nelson Mandela and His Anti-Apartheid Struggle: Analysis of the Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”

In this post you will learn: why Nelson Mandela is considered the greatest Africa’s leader, what he fought for, what he spoke about in his speeches and press releases, and will find a detailed rhetorical analysis of the speech “I Am Prepared to Die”.

Nelson Mandela: Key Facts from the Political and Public Life of the Greatest Fighter for Justice in African History

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (July 18, 1918 – December 5, 2013) was a South African political activist, human rights activist, the first Black president of South Africa (1994-1999), and a famous prisoner, revolutionary, and defender of justice.

Nelson Mandela is known worldwide, first of all, for his struggle against apartheid and his desire to establish democracy in South Africa.

What Is Apartheid

To understand what the political situation in the country was at that time, and what events influenced the formation of Nelson Mandela’s personality, let’s look at what apartheid was in South Africa:

• the black population was deprived of political and almost all civil rights;
• different races were provided with services of different quality;
• blacks were forbidden to open businesses, to practice in those areas that were designated as “white Africa” (and these are all more or less large cities and economic zones);
• segregation in public places and transport;
• blacks were forbidden to stay, live or work in the “white zones” without a special permit;
• in many black areas, there were no hospitals, there were not enough funds and medical staff;
• black children were taught only the subjects and skills they would need to work for whites;
• black policemen had no right to arrest white people, etc.

Facts from the Political Life of Nelson Mandela

In 1944, Nelson Mandela joined the ANC (African National Congress) – a political organization, which proclaimed its goal – the elimination of the apartheid regime, and the struggle for the democratic reorganization of society.

Subsequently, Nelson Mandela held various leadership positions in the ANC, thanks to which he was able to revive the organization and strengthen its opposition policy against the ruling National Party.

In 1952, Mandela and his friend Oliver Tambo (leader of the ANC), formed the first African-run law firm, Mandela and Tambo, to provide cheap and often free legal assistance to Africans.

In 1955, Nelson Mandela participated in the organization of the Congress of the People, which adopted the Freedom Charter, which set out the basic principles for building a free and democratic society in South Africa.

Mandela’s active citizenship against apartheid led to the fact that he became a frequent target for the authorities. In 1956, Nelson Mandela was arrested along with 150 suspects of high treason and preparations for the violent overthrow of power. The trial lasted 5 years and ended with the fact that all the accused were acquitted.

If, until 1960, Nelson Mandela promoted exclusively non-violent methods of resistance to apartheid, then the killing of unarmed blacks by the police, as well as constant repression and violence from the state authorities, forced him to change his mind. Mandela begins to actively promote sabotage against the government.

In 1962, Mandela was arrested. In October 1963 he was convicted of sabotage, treason, and violent conspiracy and sentenced to life imprisonment.

He served 27 years in prison before being released and elected as the President of South Africa. So Nelson Mandela became the first black president of South Africa.

The fall of the apartheid regime is directly related to the vigorous activity of Nelson Mandela and his supporters from the African National Congress (ANC).

In 1993, Nelson Mandela was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his struggle.

World famous Speeches and Addresses to the Press by Nelson Mandela

The most significant speeches of Nelson Mandela are:

1. “The Struggle is my Life” (26, June 1961).
2. “Black Man in a White Court.” Nelson Mandela’s first court statement – 1962. 
3. “I Am Prepared to Die.” Nelson Mandela’s statement from the dock at the opening of the defense case in the Rivonia Trial. Pretoria Supreme Court, 20 April 1964. 
4. Statement by Nelson Mandela Deputy President of the African National Congress to the 641st meeting of the Special Committee Against Apartheid, 22 June 1990. 
5. Address by President Nelson Mandela of South Africa to the 49th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 
6. Nelson Mandela’s Rajiv Gandhi Foundation Lecture. 25 January 1995.
7. Speech by President Mandela on receiving the Freedom of Durban. 16 April 1999. 
8. Address by President Nelson Mandela at the 53rd United Nations General Assembly. 21 September 1998. 
9. Speech by President Mandela at a Municipal Infrastructure Programme in the Free State during the Masakhane Focus Week. Masakhane Focus Week. 14 October 1998. 
10. “Africa standing tall against poverty”. Mary Fitzgerald Square, Newtown Johannesburg South Africa. 02 July 2005.
11. Message from Mr. N. R. Mandela for the Global Convention on Peace and Nonviolence in New Delhi on 31 January 2004. 
12. Madiba addresses an audience at the 6th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture in Kliptown, Soweto. 12 July 2008. 

In his numerous addresses, Nelson Mandela touched upon difficult, but very important fundamental human problems. First of all, he spoke and fought for social justice. Spoke about racial discrimination and human rights, freedom, and reconciliation, fighting poverty, and building a new world.

The Main Idea of Nelson Mandela’s Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”

On April 20, 1964, at a court hearing in Rivonia, Nelson Mandela delivered his most famous three-hour speech – one of the most significant speeches of the 20th century, “I Am Prepared to Die.”

In a speech, Nelson Mandela admitted his involvement in the preparation of sabotage. At the same time, in his defense, Mandela stated that he and his accomplices were forced to take such measures because all the previously adopted non-violent methods of fighting apartheid led to even greater restrictions on the freedom of the African people.

At the end of the trial, Nelson Mandela was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment, narrowly avoiding the death penalty.

Rhetorical Analysis of the Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”

Structure of the Speech

Nelson Mandela’s “I Am Prepared to Die” speech delivered on April 20, 1964, can be divided into 3 parts:

1. In the first part, Nelson Mandela talks about himself, in particular, that he studied at the Faculty of Law and worked as a lawyer. And then he denies all the accusations against him.
2. In the second part, Mandela admits his guilt and claims that he is ready to be held accountable for the violent methods used to fight apartheid. But at the same time, he explains that such measures were the only possible way to achieve equality and justice in South Africa.
3. The third part is larger than the previous two. In this piece, Nelson Mandela advocates for equal rights for all South Africans.

The speech “I Am Prepared to Die” consists of 14,307 words.

Rhetorical Devices in the Nelson Mandela’s Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”

In addition to being an outstanding politician, Nelson Mandela was also a great public speaker.

On the example of some quotations from Mandela’s three-hour speech, let us consider what rhetorical devices, figures of speech, and literary tropes the author used in his speech:

Nelson Mandela begins his speech by using one of the three modes of persuasion – ethos

Ethos is a mode of persuasion in the author’s authority and reputation.

Using ethos, the author shows the audience that he can be trusted and that his opinion should be listened to. The author convinces the reader or listener of his professionalism, knowledge, and experience.

You can read the post “The Rhetorical Triangle: Ethos, Pathos, Logos – Meaning and Examples.”

So, the first thing that Nelson Mandela did is introduce himself: he noted that he has a bachelor’s degree and practiced law. Then Mandela briefly talks about his upbringing and how the stories he heard from his ancestors inspired him to fight for the rights of the black population.

After that, he explains the reasons and goals of his speech:

1. To refute false information and charges. 
2. To describe and substantiate the aims and methods of struggle against apartheid.

In the speech “I Am Prepared to Die”, Mandela tried to prove how much the ANC was against violent methods of struggle to the last, and how all participants wanted to avoid the use of violence.

Logos

Logos is a mode of persuasion using logic, common sense, and reason.

Includes:

• facts, statistics, research;
• scientific information, the theory;
• examples that the reader can apply to himself;
• historical events or the author’s experience.

If ethos is the ground or basis of the speech, then logos is what reveals it and leads the reader further, strengthening the author’s opinion and convincing him as much as possible of the author’s rightness and authority.

Examples of using logos by Nelson Mandela in his speech “I Am Prepared to Die”:

“We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.”

“For thirty-seven years – that is until 1949 – it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. It put forward demands and resolutions; it sent delegations to the Government in the belief that African grievances could be settled through peaceful discussion and that Africans could advance gradually to full political rights. But White Governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater.”

“In 1960 the Government held a referendum which led to the establishment of the Republic. Africans, who constituted approximately 70 per cent of the population of South Africa, were not entitled to vote, and were not even consulted about the proposed constitutional change.”

“There had been violence in 1957 when the women of Zeerust were ordered to carry passes; there was violence in 1958 with the enforcement of cattle culling in Sekhukhuniland; there was violence in 1959 when the people of Cato Manor protested against pass raids; there was violence in 1960 when the Government attempted to impose Bantu Authorities in Pondoland. Thirty-nine Africans died in these disturbances. In 1961 there had been riots in Warmbaths, and all this time the Transkei had been a seething mass of unrest. Each disturbance pointed clearly to the inevitable growth among Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out – it showed that a Government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the oppressed to use force to oppose it.”

Pathos

Pathos is a mode of persuasion using emotions. 

Using pathos, the author can evoke the right emotion in the reader or listener: pity, sympathy, empathy, fear, or anger.

This rhetorical device helps create an emotional connection with the audience.

Examples of using pathos in the speech “I Am Prepared to Die”:

“Already scores of Africans had died as a result of racial friction. In 1920 when the famous leader, Masabala, was held in Port Elizabeth jail, twenty-four of a group of Africans who had gathered to demand his release were killed by the police and white civilians. In 1921, more than one hundred Africans died in the Bulhoek affair. In 1924 over two hundred Africans were killed when the Administrator of South-West Africa led a force against a group which had rebelled against the imposition of dog tax. On 1 May 1950, eighteen Africans died as a result of police shootings during the strike. On 21 March 1960, sixty-nine unarmed Africans died at Sharpeville.

How many more Sharpevilles would there be in the history of our country?”

“It is perhaps difficult for white South Africans, with an ingrained prejudice against communism, to understand why experienced African politicians so readily accept communists as their friends. But to us the reason is obvious. Theoretical differences amongst those fighting against oppression is a luxury we cannot afford at this stage. What is more, for many decades communists were the only political group in South Africa who were prepared to treat Africans as human beings and their equals; who were prepared to eat with us; talk with us, live with us, and work with us. They were the only political group which was prepared to work with the Africans for the attainment of political rights and a stake in society.”

“The whites enjoy what may well be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans live in poverty and misery. Forty per cent of the Africans live in hopelessly overcrowded and, in some cases, drought-stricken Reserves, where soil erosion and the overworking of the soil makes it impossible for them to live properly off the land. Thirty per cent are labourers, labour tenants, and squatters on white farms and work and live under conditions similar to those of the serfs of the Middle Ages. The other 30 per cent live in towns where they have developed economic and social habits which bring them closer in many respects to white standards.”

“Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. The incidence of malnutrition and deficiency diseases is very high amongst Africans. Tuberculosis, pellagra, kwashiorkor, gastro-enteritis, and scurvy bring death and destruction of health. The incidence of infant mortality is one of the highest in the world.”

“The discrimination in the policy of successive South African Governments towards African workers is demonstrated by the so-called ‘civilized labour policy’ under which sheltered, unskilled Government jobs are found for those white workers who cannot make the grade in industry, at wages which far exceed the earnings of the average African employee in industry.”

“Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by Africans. When anything has to be carried or cleaned the white man will look around for an African to do it for him, whether the African is employed by him or not. Because of this sort of attitude, whites tend to regard Africans as a separate breed. They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realize that they have emotions – that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to feed and clothe them and send them to school.”

“Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government declares them to be capable o Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own…”

“It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.” 

Antithesis in the Nelson Mandela’s Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”

Antithesis is the opposition of words, concepts, and images that are interconnected by common features (contrast): 

• “Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue.” 

• “We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white.” 

• “But White Governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater.” 

• “Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight.” 

• “But the hard facts were that fifty years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights.”

• “We did so not because we desired such a course, but solely because the Government had left us with no other choice.” 

• “We felt that the country was drifting towards a civil war in which Blacks and Whites would fight each other.” 

• “Although it is prepared to work for the Freedom Charter, as a short term solution to the problems created by white supremacy, it regards the Freedom Charter as the beginning, and not the end, of its programme.” 

• “… because the short-term objects of communism would always correspond with the long-term objects of freedom movements.”

• ” There were no rich or poor and there was no exploitation.”

• “Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government declares them to be capable o Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes. African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men’s hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in the Reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after eleven o’clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the Labour Bureau tells them to.”[quads id=3]

• “I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination.”

• “It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

Anaphora

Anaphora is the repetition of the same initial words or sound combinations. 

Anaphora allows to focus the attention of listeners on the idea proclaimed by the author, and to strengthen the feedback: 

• “I will also deal with the relationship between the African National Congress and Umkhonto, and with the part which I personally have played in the affairs of both organizations. I shall deal also with the part played by the Communist Party.” 
• “We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that ‘the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of the Government’, and for us to accept the banning was equivalent to accepting… We believed it was our duty to preserve this organization which had been built up with almost fifty years of unremitting toil.”
• “In addition, they would provide an outlet for those people who were urging the adoption of violent methods and would enable us to give concrete proof to our followers that we had adopted a stronger line and were fighting back against Government violence. In addition, if mass action were successfully organized, and mass reprisals taken, we felt that sympathy for our cause would be roused in other countries, and that greater pressure would be brought to bear on the South African Government.”
• “I wish to turn now to certain general allegations made in this case by the State. But before doing so, I wish to revert to certain occurrences said by witnesses to have happened in Port Elizabeth and East London.”[quads id=2]
• “The Communist Party’s main aim, on the other hand, was to remove the capitalists and to replace them with a working-class government. The Communist Party sought to emphasize class distinctions whilst the ANC seeks to harmonize them.” 
• “Africans want to… 
• “It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live.”
• “During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities.”

Lexical repetition

Lexical repetition is a stylistic figure that consists of the deliberate repetition of the same word or speech construction in a visible section of the text:

• “I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment…” 
• “We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.”
• “In 1956, 156 leading members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested on a charge of high treason and charges under the Suppression of Communism Act.”
• “We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight.”
• “But the hard facts were that fifty years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights.” 
• “There had been violence in 1957 when the women of Zeerust were ordered to carry passes; there was violence in 1958 with the enforcement of cattle culling in Sekhukhuniland; there was violence in 1959 when the people of Cato Manor protested against pass raids; there was violence in 1960 when the Government attempted to impose Bantu Authorities in Pondoland.”
• “We did so not because we desired such a course, but solely because the Government had left us with no other choice.”
• “We did not want to be committed to civil war, but we wanted to be ready if it became inevitable.”
• “This is what we felt at the time, and this is what we said in our Manifesto.”
• “The ideological creed of the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African Nationalism.”
• “What is more, for many decades communists were the only political group in South Africa who were prepared to treat Africans as human beings and their equals; who were prepared to eat with us; talk with us, live with us, and work with us.”
• “Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.”
• “They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realize that they have emotions – that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to feed and clothe them and send them to school.”
• “Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live.”
• “I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination.” 

Rhetorical Question in the Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”

A rhetorical question is a question statement that does not require a direct answer. 

This rhetorical device involves the audience in a “dialogue”. Again, the secret is that this is how our brain works: we hear the question and immediately begin to look for an answer, even if unconsciously.

In the speech “I Am Prepared to Die” Nelson Mandela asked these rhetorical questions:

• “In the words of my leader, Chief Lutuli, who became President of the ANC in 1952, and who was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize:

• “Who will deny that thirty years of my life have been spent knocking in vain, patiently, moderately, and modestly at a closed and barred door? What have been the fruits of moderation? The past thirty years have seen the greatest number of laws restricting our rights and progress, until today we have reached a stage where we have almost no rights at all”.”

• “I must return to June 1961. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? Were we to give in to the show of force and the implied threat against future action, or were we to fight it and, if so, how?” 
• “How much longer would it take to eradicate the scars of inter-racial civil war, which could not be fought without a great loss of life on both sides?” 
• “The white newspapers carried reports that sabotage would be punished by death. If this was so, how could we continue to keep Africans away from terrorism?” 
• “How many more Sharpevilles would there be in the history of our country? And how many more Sharpevilles could the country stand without violence and terror becoming the order of the day? And what would happen to our people when that stage was reached? In the long run we felt certain we must succeed, but at what cost to ourselves and the rest of the country? And if this happened, how could black and white ever live together again in peace and harmony?”
• “And what ‘house-boy’ or ‘garden-boy’ or labourer can ever hope to do this?” 

Conclusion

Nelson Mandela is a brilliant orator, giant for justice, and a prominent political figure of the 20th century.

Full text of the speech you can find in the post “Transcript of the Nelson Mandela’s Speech “I Am Prepared to Die”.

Sources of information:

• https://www.un.org/events/mandeladay
• https://www.britannica.com/biography/Nelson-Mandela
• https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273499456_Mandelian_Rhetoric_An_Analysis_of_Nelson_Mandela%27_s_Political_Speeches
• “A Critical Discourse Analysis of Nelson Mandela’s Defense Speech”
• https://www.un.org/en/events/mandeladay/court_statement_1964.shtml
• Photo: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Nelson-Mandela/Incarceration 

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